Former intelligence chief General David Sejusa and veteran politician Ofwono Opondo are in a public war of words over Norbert Mao’s bid for the Ugandan parliament speakership. Their disagreement has captured attention for its mix of political analysis, personal jabs, and historical references.
Norbert Mao, the newly elected MP for Laroo-Pece and current Minister of Justice and Constitutional Affairs, has stirred debate by challenging incumbent Speaker Anita Annet Among for the position. Anita Among represents Bukedea District as the Woman MP.
While Ofwono Opondo, the MP-elect representing older persons in Eastern Uganda, openly supports Among and has dismissed Mao’s candidacy, Gen Sejusa has cautioned against underestimating the Democratic Party president.
Sejusa argues that Mao’s entry adds a new layer of complexity to the speakership contest. According to him, many people, including Opondo, fail to see the broader political implications of Mao’s bid.
“This speakership contest is something I have avoided talking about. Mainly because it’s been a debate about personalities, not ideological or political philosophy,” Sejusa wrote on X. “Because it’s NRM-O’s thing to take anyway, due to sheer numbers. But Mao brings in a new interesting dimension.”
Sejusa points to two main equations that make Mao a serious contender: the opposition constituency he commands and the Northern Uganda factor, which brings regional balance into play.
Regarding the opposition factor, Sejusa says Mao could assist the ruling NRM-O in consolidating power by weakening opposition influence over the next five years. His reasoning is that Mao, as an opposition leader, brings constituencies outside NRM-O into political calculations.
“See, Mao’s candidature brings in two major equations: Firstly, he comes from outside NRM-O. Hon Among is already NRM-O, but Mao belongs to an outside constituency; the opposition — forget whether yellow, green, or orange, etc.,” Sejusa explained.
“In political calculations, those colors don’t matter. What matters is whether NRM-O can diminish opposition space. Who can help do that best: the one already inside or the one coming in with a chunk of opposition support?”
For the Northern Uganda factor, Sejusa argues that Mao’s presence ensures regional balance in leadership. He notes that most key government positions are currently held by individuals from the West and East, with the North being underrepresented.
“The second equation is regional balance. Those dismissing Mao’s candidature are poor students of Ugandan history and political algebra,” Sejusa wrote. “We have a President from the West, Vice President from the East, and Speaker from the East. Who represents the North now? Gen Moses Ali? Those who dismiss Mao fail at the political algebra.”
Opondo responded sharply, questioning the relevance of Sejusa’s historical comparisons and asking which new constituency Mao brings that exceeds NRM or Museveni’s influence.
He reminded Sejusa of past political events, including Sejusa’s attempted unilateral exit from the UPDF in 1997/98, and suggested that Sejusa’s former bravado no longer holds sway in contemporary Uganda.
Sejusa hit back with a pointed remark: “Go slow on my affairs, my friend. Yesterday’s UPC needs to be humble!” He emphasized his previous status as a top general and referenced speeches he made at State House, asserting his authority and experience.
Opondo replied with a mix of historical perspective and personal critique, writing that Sejusa’s “brazen arrogance of 30 years ago” has no place in today’s Uganda. He reminded Sejusa which side prevailed during the 1997/98 UPDF dispute.
Sejusa maintained his assertive tone, stating that Opondo cannot fully comprehend his past achievements or political insights. “After all that you quote, I gave a speech in State House as a top General; fathom the meaning of that? Of course, you can’t! I would go slow on matters of history, brother!”
Norbert Mao himself has insisted that Anita Among was an accidental speaker and has invoked the legacy of late Speaker Jacob Oulanyah in his campaign. Mao’s candidacy continues to attract media and public attention as a dynamic alternative.
Reports also suggest that Mao is under consideration by President Museveni for a potential vice-presidential role, further intensifying political interest in his activities and strategies.
Meanwhile, Sejusa has been active in proposing constitutional changes, including the swearing-in of the president-elect within a week after election results, reflecting his continued engagement in Uganda’s governance and legal discourse.
Observers note that the Sejusa-Opondo exchange reflects both generational and ideological tensions within Uganda’s political elite, blending personal history with contemporary power dynamics.
As the speakership contest unfolds, all eyes are on Norbert Mao’s strategy, the responses from political heavyweights like Sejusa and Opondo, and the broader implications for Uganda’s parliamentary politics.
The exchange underscores the complex interplay between party loyalty, regional representation, and historical memory in shaping Uganda’s leadership contests.
In the end, the debate between Sejusa and Opondo highlights that in Ugandan politics, personal experience, past conflicts, and strategic foresight all remain crucial in understanding the trajectories of emerging leaders like Norbert Mao.
